Friday, 28 July 2023
The Kukis
Wednesday, 26 July 2023
मणिपुर: चीरहरण और धृतराष्ट्र के घड़ियाली आँसू
Republic of Niger
पूजा स्थल (विशेष प्रावधान) अधिनियम, 1991
The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA)
The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) is a controversial law that has been in force in certain areas of Manipur, as well as other regions in India. It was enacted in 1958 to provide special powers to the Indian armed forces operating in "disturbed areas" to aid civil authorities in maintaining law and order and combating insurgency. The act initially applied only to the states of Assam and Manipur, but it was later extended to other parts of the country.
Key Provisions of AFSPA:
Special Powers: AFSPA grants special powers to the armed forces, allowing them to conduct operations against insurgents and other unlawful elements in areas designated as "disturbed." These powers include the authority to arrest without a warrant, search premises, and even use force, including firing upon individuals or assemblies, that are deemed to be a threat to public order.
Protection from Legal Proceedings: The act provides immunity to the armed forces personnel for their actions performed in good faith while carrying out their duties under AFSPA. Unless the central government gives prior permission, no legal proceedings can be initiated against the armed forces for actions taken under this law.
Designation of "Disturbed Areas": The central or state government can declare an area as "disturbed" based on factors like an insurgency, terrorist activities, or the presence of armed groups that disrupt the law and order situation.
Criticism and Concerns:
AFSPA has been a subject of widespread criticism from various human rights organizations, activists, and local communities. The law has faced accusations of human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, disappearances, and acts of torture by security forces. Some of the main concerns regarding AFSPA are:
Human Rights Abuses: There have been several reports of alleged human rights abuses, including cases of excessive use of force, fake encounters, and the lack of accountability for atrocities committed by security forces.
Impunity: The provision of immunity to security forces has been a major point of contention. Critics argue that this immunity encourages a lack of accountability and contributes to a culture of impunity.
Erosion of Civil Liberties: The sweeping powers granted under AFSPA have been criticized for potentially infringing upon the civil liberties of civilians, including the right to life, liberty, and freedom of movement.
Lack of Transparency: The lack of transparency and accountability in the implementation of AFSPA has raised concerns about the need for a more effective and impartial mechanism to investigate allegations of abuse.
Calls for Repeal and Review:
Over the years, there have been numerous demands for the repeal or review of AFSPA. Many human rights organizations, civil society groups, and the local communities in affected areas argue that the law has not effectively addressed the underlying issues of insurgency and violence, and instead, it has exacerbated tensions and human rights violations.
In response to public pressure, the government of India has, at times, set up committees to review the provisions of AFSPA. However, the act continues to be in force in certain areas, and its implementation remains a contentious issue in the country.
The situation in Manipur, where AFSPA is still enforced in certain areas, reflects the broader debate on the balance between security concerns and safeguarding human rights in counter-insurgency operations. The debate continues, and finding a resolution that addresses the legitimate security concerns while protecting human rights remains a complex and ongoing challenge.
मणिपुर: चीरहरण और धृतराष्ट्र के घड़ियाली आँसू
Tuesday, 25 July 2023
डीडी कोसंबी
डीडी कोसंबी, पूरा नाम दामोदर धर्मानंद कोसंबी (1907-1966), एक प्रख्यात भारतीय गणितज्ञ, इतिहासकार और बहुज्ञ थे, जिन्हें गणित, इंडोलॉजी और इतिहासलेखन के क्षेत्र में उनके महत्वपूर्ण योगदान के लिए जाना जाता है। उनके अंतःविषय कार्य और विद्वता ने उन्हें अध्ययन के कई क्षेत्रों में अग्रणी व्यक्ति बना दिया।
गणित: गणित में कोसंबी का योगदान महत्वपूर्ण था। उन्होंने सांख्यिकी के क्षेत्र में विशेषज्ञता हासिल की और गणितीय आनुवंशिकी में उल्लेखनीय प्रगति की, विशेषकर गुणसूत्रों में पुनर्संयोजन के अध्ययन में। जीन आवृत्तियों के सांख्यिकीय विश्लेषण और जनसंख्या आनुवंशिकी में गणितीय मॉडल के अनुप्रयोग पर उनके शोध ने इस क्षेत्र को महत्वपूर्ण रूप से प्रभावित किया।
इंडोलॉजी: भारतीय इतिहास, संस्कृति और भाषाओं के अध्ययन, इंडोलॉजी के क्षेत्र में कोसंबी के काम को बहुत सराहा गया। उन्होंने प्रचलित व्याख्याओं और पद्धतियों को चुनौती देते हुए प्राचीन भारतीय ग्रंथों के अध्ययन के लिए एक कठोर और वैज्ञानिक दृष्टिकोण अपनाया। कोसंबी ने प्राचीन भारतीय समाज, अर्थव्यवस्था और राजनीतिक संरचनाओं को समझने में महत्वपूर्ण योगदान दिया। उनकी विद्वता ने भारत में आलोचनात्मक इतिहासलेखन के विकास में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई।
इतिहासलेखन: इतिहासलेखन में कोसंबी का योगदान इंडोलॉजी से भी आगे तक फैला हुआ है। उन्होंने इतिहास के अध्ययन में मानवविज्ञान, पुरातत्व, भाषा विज्ञान और समाजशास्त्र जैसे विभिन्न विषयों से अंतर्दृष्टि प्राप्त करने के लिए अंतःविषय दृष्टिकोण के महत्व पर जोर दिया। कोसंबी के कार्य, जिनमें "भारतीय इतिहास के अध्ययन का परिचय" और "प्राचीन भारत की संस्कृति और सभ्यता" शामिल हैं, भारतीय इतिहास के अध्ययन में नए दृष्टिकोण और पद्धतियों को आकार देने में सहायक थे।
मार्क्सवादी विश्लेषण: कोसंबी का बौद्धिक ढांचा मार्क्सवाद से गहराई से प्रभावित था। उन्होंने वर्ग संघर्षों, सामाजिक-आर्थिक संरचनाओं और भौतिक स्थितियों की जांच करते हुए भारतीय इतिहास और समाज के अध्ययन में मार्क्सवादी विश्लेषण लागू किया। उनके मार्क्सवादी दृष्टिकोण ने उन्हें प्रचलित सामाजिक संरचनाओं की आलोचना करने और प्राचीन और मध्ययुगीन भारतीय समाज की शोषणकारी प्रकृति पर प्रकाश डालने की अनुमति दी।
ज्ञान को लोकप्रिय बनाना: कोसंबी को ज्ञान को व्यापक दर्शकों तक पहुँचाने में गहरी रुचि थी। वह विचारों को अकादमिक दायरे से परे प्रसारित करने और जनता तक पहुंचाने में विश्वास करते थे। कोसांबी ने अंग्रेजी और मराठी दोनों में बड़े पैमाने पर लिखा, स्पष्ट और आकर्षक शैली में लेख, निबंध और किताबें लिखीं, जिससे जटिल विषय अधिक सुलभ हो गए।
डीडी कोसंबी के अंतःविषय दृष्टिकोण, कठोर विद्वता और गणित, इंडोलॉजी और इतिहासलेखन में योगदान ने इन क्षेत्रों पर स्थायी प्रभाव छोड़ा। उनके काम ने स्थापित मानदंडों को चुनौती दी, नई पद्धतियाँ पेश कीं और आलोचनात्मक सोच को प्रेरित किया। ज्ञान को लोकप्रिय बनाने में कोसंबी के प्रयासों ने शिक्षा जगत और आम जनता के बीच की खाई को पाटने में मदद की, जिससे जटिल विषयों को व्यापक दर्शकों के लिए अधिक समझने योग्य बनाया गया। उनकी बौद्धिक विरासत विभिन्न विषयों में विद्वानों और शोधकर्ताओं को प्रभावित करती रही है और भारतीय इतिहास, संस्कृति और गणित की गहरी समझ में योगदान देती है।
"एन इंट्रोडक्शन टू द स्टडी ऑफ इंडियन हिस्ट्री" 1956 में प्रकाशित डीडी कोसांबी की उल्लेखनीय कृतियों में से एक है। इस पुस्तक को भारतीय इतिहासलेखन के क्षेत्र में एक मौलिक कार्य माना जाता है और इसने भारतीय इतिहास के अध्ययन पर एक स्थायी प्रभाव डाला है। .
यह पुस्तक भारतीय इतिहास के अध्ययन के लिए एक व्यापक मार्गदर्शक और आलोचनात्मक परिचय के रूप में कार्य करती है, जो पाठकों को विषय का व्यापक अवलोकन प्रदान करती है और साथ ही विशिष्ट पहलुओं और विषयों पर भी प्रकाश डालती है। कोसंबी का काम उस समय भारतीय इतिहासलेखन में प्रचलित पारंपरिक आख्यानों और पद्धतियों को चुनौती देना और अधिक आलोचनात्मक और अंतःविषय दृष्टिकोण को प्रोत्साहित करना है।
"एन इंट्रोडक्शन टू द स्टडी ऑफ इंडियन हिस्ट्री" की प्रमुख शक्तियों में से एक जटिल ऐतिहासिक जानकारी को संश्लेषित करने और इसे सुसंगत और सुलभ तरीके से प्रस्तुत करने की कोसंबी की क्षमता में निहित है। वह एक विशाल कालानुक्रमिक विस्तार को कवर करता है, जो प्रागैतिहासिक काल से शुरू होता है और भारतीय इतिहास के प्राचीन, मध्ययुगीन और आधुनिक युग तक जारी रहता है।
कोसंबी भारतीय इतिहास के विभिन्न विषयों और पहलुओं की पड़ताल करता है, जिसमें सामाजिक, आर्थिक और राजनीतिक संरचनाएं, सांस्कृतिक और धार्मिक विकास और अन्य सभ्यताओं के साथ बातचीत शामिल है। वह पुरातत्व, भाषा विज्ञान, मानव विज्ञान और समाजशास्त्र से अंतर्दृष्टि को शामिल करता है, जो ऐतिहासिक प्रक्रियाओं और गतिशीलता की बहुआयामी समझ प्रदान करता है।
पूरी किताब में, कोसंबी ने स्रोतों की आलोचनात्मक जांच करने और प्रमुख आख्यानों को चुनौती देने के महत्व पर जोर दिया है। वह ऐतिहासिक ग्रंथों में निहित सीमाओं और पूर्वाग्रहों पर प्रकाश डालते हैं, कई दृष्टिकोणों पर विचार करने और कठोर विश्लेषण में संलग्न होने की आवश्यकता पर जोर देते हैं। कोसंबी का मार्क्सवादी विश्लेषण वर्ग संघर्षों, सामाजिक-आर्थिक संरचनाओं और भारतीय समाज को आकार देने वाली भौतिक स्थितियों की उनकी व्याख्या की जानकारी देता है।
"भारतीय इतिहास के अध्ययन का एक परिचय" न केवल विषय का एक सिंहावलोकन प्रदान करता है, बल्कि इच्छुक इतिहासकारों के लिए एक मार्गदर्शक के रूप में भी कार्य करता है, जो उन्हें वैज्ञानिक और अंतःविषय दृष्टिकोण अपनाने के लिए प्रोत्साहित करता है। कोसंबी की लेखन शैली सुलभ और आकर्षक है, जो पुस्तक को विद्वानों और सामान्य पाठकों दोनों के लिए सुलभ बनाती है।
कोसंबी के "एन इंट्रोडक्शन टू द स्टडी ऑफ इंडियन हिस्ट्री" का प्रभाव इसके प्रारंभिक प्रकाशन से कहीं आगे तक फैला हुआ है। इसने इतिहासकारों की अगली पीढ़ियों को प्रभावित किया है, भारतीय इतिहास के अध्ययन के लिए उनकी पद्धतियों और दृष्टिकोणों को आकार दिया है। अंतःविषय अनुसंधान, आलोचनात्मक विश्लेषण और ऐतिहासिक आख्यानों को प्रासंगिक बनाने की आवश्यकता पर कोसंबी का जोर आज भी प्रासंगिक है।
कुल मिलाकर, "एन इंट्रोडक्शन टू द स्टडी ऑफ इंडियन हिस्ट्री" एक महत्वपूर्ण कार्य है जो डीडी कोसंबी की बौद्धिक कठोरता, अंतःविषय दृष्टिकोण और भारतीय इतिहासलेखन में योगदान को प्रदर्शित करता है। इसे क्षेत्र में एक मौलिक पाठ के रूप में पहचाना जाना जारी है और इसने आलोचनात्मक सोच को प्रोत्साहित करने और भारत के समृद्ध और जटिल इतिहास की समझ को आगे बढ़ाने में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई है।
Gauri Lankesh (1962-2017)
Gauri Lankesh (1962-2017) was an Indian journalist, activist, and outspoken critic of right-wing politics. She was born on January 29, 1962, in Bangalore, Karnataka, India. Gauri Lankesh hailed from a family of journalists and writers, as her father, P. Lankesh, was a well-known journalist and writer himself.
Gauri Lankesh began her career as a journalist working for various publications, including her father's weekly tabloid, "Lankesh Patrike." She eventually started her own weekly Kannada newspaper called "Gauri Lankesh Patrike" in 2005. The newspaper covered a range of social and political issues and gained popularity for its strong editorial stance against religious fundamentalism, caste-based discrimination, and right-wing extremism.
Lankesh was known for her fearlessness in speaking truth to power and her unwavering commitment to social justice and human rights. She used her platform as a journalist to shed light on marginalized communities, expose corruption, and raise awareness about social and political issues affecting the country.
Unfortunately, Gauri Lankesh's fearless journalism and activism made her a target of threats and attacks. Tragically, on September 5, 2017, she was shot dead outside her residence in Bengaluru, sparking widespread outrage and condemnation. Her assassination sent shockwaves through the Indian media community and sparked discussions about press freedom, the safety of journalists, and the rise of right-wing extremism in the country.
Gauri Lankesh's legacy lives on through her work and the impact she made as a journalist and activist. She is remembered as a courageous voice against injustice and a staunch defender of freedom of expression. Her contributions to journalism and her fight for social justice continue to inspire others to speak truth to power and strive for a more inclusive and equitable society.
Gauri Lankesh, a prominent Indian journalist, was known for her strong views against Hindu fundamentalism and her unwavering commitment to secularism and social justice. She used her platform to expose and criticize the rise of right-wing Hindu nationalist ideologies in India.
Lankesh was a vocal critic of religious extremism and fundamentalism, particularly in the context of Hindu nationalism. She believed that Hindu fundamentalism posed a significant threat to the pluralistic and inclusive fabric of Indian society. She denounced the use of religion as a tool to promote hatred, discrimination, and violence, and she tirelessly worked to expose the divisive agendas of Hindu extremist groups.
In her writings and public speeches, Lankesh challenged the narrative of Hindutva, a political ideology that seeks to establish a Hindu nationalist state in India. She vehemently opposed the notion of a Hindu Rashtra (Hindu nation), advocating instead for a secular and pluralistic India that respects the rights and identities of all its citizens, regardless of their religious beliefs.
Lankesh believed that Hindu fundamentalism not only marginalized religious minorities but also suppressed dissent, curtailed freedom of expression, and undermined democratic values. She saw it as a threat to India's long-standing tradition of religious harmony and coexistence. She consistently called for greater dialogue, understanding, and acceptance among different religious communities in the country.
As an independent journalist, Lankesh fearlessly confronted Hindu extremist groups and their leaders through her investigative reporting and editorial pieces. She exposed their involvement in acts of violence, hate speech, and the spread of divisive ideologies. Her work often brought her into conflict with those who espoused Hindu fundamentalist views, but she remained resolute in her commitment to truth and justice.
Tragically, Gauri Lankesh was assassinated in 2017, becoming a symbol of resistance against religious intolerance and an inspiration to many journalists and activists. Her unwavering stance against Hindu fundamentalism continues to resonate and inspire others to challenge extremist ideologies and uphold the values of secularism, equality, and social harmony.
गौरी लंकेश (1962-2017) एक भारतीय पत्रकार, कार्यकर्ता और दक्षिणपंथी राजनीति की मुखर आलोचक थीं। उनका जन्म 29 जनवरी, 1962 को बैंगलोर, कर्नाटक, भारत में हुआ था। गौरी लंकेश पत्रकारों और लेखकों के परिवार से थीं, क्योंकि उनके पिता पी. लंकेश खुद एक प्रसिद्ध पत्रकार और लेखक थे।
गौरी लंकेश ने अपने करियर की शुरुआत एक पत्रकार के रूप में विभिन्न प्रकाशनों के लिए काम करते हुए की, जिसमें उनके पिता के साप्ताहिक टैब्लॉइड, "लंकेश पत्रिके" भी शामिल थे। अंततः उन्होंने 2005 में "गौरी लंकेश पत्रिके" नाम से अपना साप्ताहिक कन्नड़ अखबार शुरू किया। अखबार ने कई सामाजिक और राजनीतिक मुद्दों को कवर किया और धार्मिक कट्टरवाद, जाति-आधारित भेदभाव और दक्षिणपंथी उग्रवाद के खिलाफ अपने मजबूत संपादकीय रुख के लिए लोकप्रियता हासिल की।
लंकेश को सत्ता के सामने सच बोलने में उनकी निडरता और सामाजिक न्याय और मानवाधिकारों के प्रति उनकी अटूट प्रतिबद्धता के लिए जाना जाता था। उन्होंने एक पत्रकार के रूप में अपने मंच का उपयोग हाशिए पर रहने वाले समुदायों पर प्रकाश डालने, भ्रष्टाचार को उजागर करने और देश को प्रभावित करने वाले सामाजिक और राजनीतिक मुद्दों के बारे में जागरूकता बढ़ाने के लिए किया।
दुर्भाग्य से, गौरी लंकेश की निडर पत्रकारिता और सक्रियता ने उन्हें धमकियों और हमलों का निशाना बना दिया। दुखद बात यह है कि 5 सितंबर, 2017 को बेंगलुरु में उनके आवास के बाहर उनकी गोली मारकर हत्या कर दी गई, जिससे व्यापक आक्रोश और निंदा हुई। उनकी हत्या ने भारतीय मीडिया समुदाय को सदमे में डाल दिया और प्रेस की स्वतंत्रता, पत्रकारों की सुरक्षा और देश में दक्षिणपंथी उग्रवाद के उदय के बारे में चर्चा शुरू कर दी।
गौरी लंकेश की विरासत उनके काम और एक पत्रकार और कार्यकर्ता के रूप में उनके द्वारा किए गए प्रभाव के माध्यम से जीवित है। उन्हें अन्याय के खिलाफ एक साहसी आवाज और अभिव्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता की कट्टर रक्षक के रूप में याद किया जाता है। पत्रकारिता में उनका योगदान और सामाजिक न्याय के लिए उनकी लड़ाई दूसरों को सत्ता के सामने सच बोलने और अधिक समावेशी और न्यायसंगत समाज के लिए प्रयास करने के लिए प्रेरित करती रहती है।
गौरी लंकेश, एक प्रमुख भारतीय पत्रकार, हिंदू कट्टरवाद के खिलाफ अपने मजबूत विचारों और धर्मनिरपेक्षता और सामाजिक न्याय के प्रति अपनी अटूट प्रतिबद्धता के लिए जानी जाती थीं। उन्होंने अपने मंच का उपयोग भारत में दक्षिणपंथी हिंदू राष्ट्रवादी विचारधाराओं के उदय को उजागर करने और आलोचना करने के लिए किया।
लंकेश धार्मिक अतिवाद और कट्टरवाद के मुखर आलोचक थे, खासकर हिंदू राष्ट्रवाद के संदर्भ में। उनका मानना था कि हिंदू कट्टरवाद भारतीय समाज के बहुलवादी और समावेशी ढांचे के लिए एक महत्वपूर्ण खतरा है। उन्होंने नफरत, भेदभाव और हिंसा को बढ़ावा देने के लिए एक उपकरण के रूप में धर्म के उपयोग की निंदा की और उन्होंने हिंदू चरमपंथी समूहों के विभाजनकारी एजेंडे को उजागर करने के लिए अथक प्रयास किया।
अपने लेखन और सार्वजनिक भाषणों में, लंकेश ने हिंदुत्व की कथा को चुनौती दी, एक राजनीतिक विचारधारा जो भारत में एक हिंदू राष्ट्रवादी राज्य स्थापित करना चाहती है। उन्होंने हिंदू राष्ट्र की धारणा का पुरजोर विरोध किया और इसके बजाय एक धर्मनिरपेक्ष और बहुलवादी भारत की वकालत की, जो अपने सभी नागरिकों के अधिकारों और पहचान का सम्मान करता है, उनकी धार्मिक मान्यताओं की परवाह किए बिना।
लंकेश का मानना था कि हिंदू कट्टरवाद ने न केवल धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यकों को हाशिये पर धकेल दिया, बल्कि असहमति को भी दबा दिया, अभिव्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता को कम कर दिया और लोकतांत्रिक मूल्यों को कमजोर कर दिया। उन्होंने इसे भारत की धार्मिक सद्भाव और सह-अस्तित्व की लंबे समय से चली आ रही परंपरा के लिए खतरे के रूप में देखा। उन्होंने लगातार देश में विभिन्न धार्मिक समुदायों के बीच अधिक संवाद, समझ और स्वीकृति का आह्वान किया।
एक स्वतंत्र पत्रकार के रूप में, लंकेश ने अपनी खोजी रिपोर्टिंग और संपादकीय लेखों के माध्यम से निडर होकर हिंदू चरमपंथी समूहों और उनके नेताओं का सामना किया। उन्होंने हिंसा, घृणास्पद भाषण और विभाजनकारी विचारधाराओं के प्रसार में उनकी भागीदारी को उजागर किया। उनके काम ने अक्सर उन्हें हिंदू कट्टरपंथी विचारों का समर्थन करने वालों के साथ संघर्ष में ला दिया, लेकिन वह सच्चाई और न्याय के प्रति अपनी प्रतिबद्धता पर दृढ़ रहीं।
दुखद रूप से, धार्मिक असहिष्णुता के खिलाफ प्रतिरोध का प्रतीक और कई पत्रकारों और कार्यकर्ताओं के लिए प्रेरणा बनने वाली गौरी लंकेश की 2017 में हत्या कर दी गई। हिंदू कट्टरवाद के खिलाफ उनका अटूट रुख दूसरों को चरमपंथी विचारधाराओं को चुनौती देने और धर्मनिरपेक्षता, समानता और सामाजिक सद्भाव के मूल्यों को बनाए रखने के लिए प्रेरित करता है।
Vanishing Social Security:
Covid 19 pandemic apart from taking a toll on human life has almost brought the global economy to a grinding halt. Capitalism that was already limping has been paralyzed with no signs of recovery visible on the horizons. World over governments are forced to admit that they are in midst of a crisis of scale hitherto unheard or witnessed in the recent past. The neoliberal model that bases itself on the edifice, as David Harvey says, of fictitious capital, vast supply of money and debt creation even before the pandemic was grappling with demand constraints, to realize the value that capital is capable of producing (Harvey 2020). Impact of Covid 19 would be analyzed and its effect on various facets of social economic relationship would be studied ad-infinitum, yet it has brought to the fore misery that capitalism inflicts on the people.
In India, the myth of poverty alleviation and reduction in absolute poverty of population, was dispelled in thin air when the world saw a mass exodus (shamelessly called as migration by the government and the mainstream media) of workers from the various industrial centers to their own villages. They were whom Marx defined as, group of people whose origin is rural but whose occupation in most part is industrial.
The pandemic may have driven as many as 100 million people back into extreme poverty, World Bank President David Malpass warned on 20 August, 2020.
He further said: " the other side We can start calling it a depression. Our focus is on how do we help countries be resilient in working out on."
In our country hundreds and thousands of workers in absence of any transportation and devoid of any means of livelihood were forced to undertake grueling travel on foot to their village situated hundreds of kilometers away. On their way this mass of workers were subjected to the worst form of state apathy and despotism. They were hounded up like criminals, sprayed with pesticides, mercilessly beaten by police and even mowed down by train. A refugee in their own land. With no food, no money, they are the victim of a system that, Marx had said in a different context, comes dripping from head to foot, from every pore, with blood and dirt. Many fell victim to the state's apathy, before reaching their destinations. They died or as Engels had written more than one and half centuries ago were socially murdered!
Capitalism, which already was in deep crisis before the coronavirus pandemic, is now proved that it is the least efficient system in handling the present crisis. Whatever the World bank or any other institutions are doing is nothing but measures to safeguard capitalism.
What capitalism in its any forms, like social democracy or fascism can do or doing is exploiting the working class and the oppressed people with more severity, amassing more capital by extracting surplus value and plundering the country and the people) and adding it into its already existing gigantic capital. In all its forms, like a black hole and on the other hand, the counter effect is, millions of people becoming pauper and getting into penury.
Point to remember is, the present-day crisis and its manifestations are the result of neo liberalism and is limping from one crisis to other, which decreases or increases with the severity of capitalist crisis (lack of profit or rising resistance of the people, threatening the existence of capitalism itself). Capitalism cannot solve the problem, which it creates and with the passing time, it creates a crisis of much higher dimensions, with more complications.
The manifestation of capitalist crisis can be seen all round, in all the fields concerning the very existence of the people, their welfare and subsistence. We would tackle few of them, especially those issues, which are glaring and are vanishing from the domain of the proletarian class, which we understand as "Social Security", necessary for the survival of the working class and the oppressed people and their growth.
We are witnessing in India, the increasing attempt towards the surplusing of population, The land acquisition and the process of dispossessing peasants from their primitive means of production (crucial being their land) that Marx conceptualized as primitive accumulation helps us also to understand the current development paradigm being dished out by the State. "Primitive accumulation is the process by which the producer is divorced from her/his means of production. For Marx, it was clear that the primitive accumulation, therefore was nothing than "...the historical process of divorcing the producers from the means of production".
Employment: We all are aware of the loss of employment. Even though the GOI has stopped collecting data on many problems, like on unemployment rate, farmers' suicide, etc., we are aware that before Lockdown, unemployment rate had risen to 23% in India, in March 2020, which now has swelled more than 30%. Recent data says, we have further lost approx. 2 Crore jobs. The return of the workers (not all) to their work places is different than what it was earlier, with increase in working hours, increase in the intensity of the work and reduced wages.
There is nothing like unemployment allowance, which could sustain the workers. We saw the condition of migrant workers, in hundreds of thousands on road, with old, children, women. They were on roads walking in thick of summer, on hope of reaching their homes, villages, towns. The government and its machinery ignored in totality, which included SC. The police and administration showed their extreme cruelty, not only denying them the basics, water, food, medicine, transportation but also beat them ruthlessly. Corporate media was with the government in hiding the miseries of the workers and changing the narrative to Hindu Muslim or Pakistan and other non-existing issues. Social media was at full play, which is controlled by the international imperialist powers, and flooded by the paid trolls. Few independent youtubers, bloggers, individual journalists who tried and showed the realities were prosecuted by the state with the most lethal weapon, like NSA.
As far as the individuals were concerned, whether on road or in houses, were unsafe, due lack of any external help. Whatever tiny savings they had vanished over weeks. The so-called Social Security hardly existed for them, vanished in this crisis, which could have been controlled very effectively and efficiently if we had a socialist society, or even a pro people government.
Education: Whatever we had are being turned into the hands of the private concerns, including foreign capital, for the sake of ensuring high rate of profit, which has a tendency of falling to zero, in present crisis has gone below zero. US has declared itself officially that it is in economic recession. In our case, we talk about religion, temple, mosque, church, Dalits, Pakistan, China, the "greatness" of the individual's visions and leadership quality, which in normal days, we would have despised.
This brings us to the question of education, its reach to the lowest strata of our society, its quality, like is it providing one knowledge or mere skill to earn and serve the bourgeois class, may be highly paid or otherwise? Is our education sharpening our critical brains or making our brains dumb, unable to stand against ignorance and superstition, injustice and exploitation? Is it distancing us from the animal kingdom or making part of animal kingdom in glorified fashion or in a despicable condition and on most of the occasions making us part of the Reserve Army, need of the capitalist class?
Be sure, the old and now the new education policies are the need of the market, and accordingly we are being used, as personified labor power, to create surplus value, the profit. If the capitalist class could use robot or beasts to create surplus value, they would done so, abandoning us in toto, would not have cared to "waste" their capital in educating or training us. But they cannot do so. The relation between the capitalist class and the proletarian class is that of deep hatred and dependence on each other, as long as capitalism exists. The moment socialism establishes, the production and the distribution of the products (not commodities) would be done by men and women, they will be the owners of the country, means of production and the products created by them. The existence of capitalist class and proletarian class will vanish, and the education will be for all, free and scientific, better to say, will be compulsory for every child or youth or the grownup people, if deemed necessary by the then society.
Health Services: Whatever, public health services or otherwise we had, which the workers and the peasants of low income could use, was defunct, not only in India but the world over, barring few countries, like Cuba, DPRK, Taiwan, Scandinavian countries. The coronavirus pandemic exposed them fully, which includes Italy, Spain, US, UK, Brazil, Russia and our own country, India.
Health system is fully open for the need of the market, if you have money, you will be looked after like VIP, if you do not have money, you will not be treated even like an animal.
Housing or shelter: An old estimate says, India has more than 3-4 Crores population, who do not have houses. They are vagabonds, have no identity, do not have bank accounts or PAN, Aadhar or Voter cards or any identity card. In fact, they are not human beings but only living creatures, they are not part of production system of the country. When we talk about shelter for a living human being, we assume they are not Hume pipes, huts, railway tracks, abandoned debris, without provisions of toilettes, and also, they have provisions of electricity, drinking hygienic water, privacy and safety from wild animals, natural calamities.
If we accept, houses or shelters are unworthy of human beings, the data of homeless men and women will be more than 10 times.
Reducing wages: Loss of dearness allowance and nil rise in wages or even direct reduction, or rises in wages is not commensurate with the increase in the working hours or the intensity of the work, the relative wages are reducing. This reduces the ability of the masses to maintain their living standard, forget about rising, thus eroding their social security.
Minimum wage is the barest wage of any worker to sustain himself and his family, and return back for the work next day. The "legal" wage is what a worker deserves for the value of his labor power. The demand for minimum wages is nothing but begging for survival. It is not social security, below which he is like a pauper, destined to get deformed physically and mentally premature and die.
Pension: When a worker retires from his work, for whatever reasons, he expects to be looked after by the society, and whatever he gets then after, on monthly basis, we call it pension. Private sectors never give any pension. Now the government servants, too, are being denied pension. Vajpayee government started "New Pension" system for the Para Military Force personnel, which demolished their old pension system, in short that meant end of pension for them. This is being implemented in most of the Government concerns. In fact, the privatization is automatically destroying old age look after system. Imagine the workers of the unorganized sectors or of the informal sectors, consisting of 93% of the work forces of India!
How about pension for the old people, who were never part of the organized or semi-organized sectors, in agriculture sector, where more than 35% Indians live, work, and die. Accidentally, the agricultural workers are part of the "floating reserve army", who migrate to other states in hunt of works, as skilled, semi-skilled or unskilled workers, return back home, at the time of sowing or reaping the agricultural yields.
State Protection: Where police, media and judiciary have openly joined the bourgeois class, as managers to look after its interests, what protection can be expected? What we have witnessed or witnessing recently, speaks volume of state protection, its neutrality. In fact, we have example of Delhi Riots this year only, where even the International Amnesty has, in its report, said that Delhi Police was complicit in the riot. The state sponsored riots, violence is very common these days.
Privatization: A big issue in itself, seemingly out of the preview of Social Security, but it does concern the people's ability to face eroding social securities. But this erodes the left over ensured employments, related securities, like PF, EPF, medical and health services, paid leave, DA, pension in whatever form, etc. The public wealth, created over decades by our ancestors, is being looted by the capitalist class and their political agents, including foreign capital. The depth in social security or ability of the state to look after the people in normal days or in crisis is being reduced progressively and dangerously.
Degrading culture: The effect of the crisis in capitalism is showing its effect on the culture, social, legal and spiritual status of the people also. The rise in religiosity, casteism, cultism, national chauvinism is visible, and more distressing is the fact that they are being propagated by the bourgeois class, with the help of its proxy government, media.
The effect is seen in rise in communalism and communal flare up, like in Delhi, UP, etc. The mob lynching, the rise of cow vigilante, Anti Romance Squad under the protection of state is visible. An environment of mass fear is created and is deepening. Forget about social security of personal health, education, survival, the life is in question.
Conclusion: 1. We must note here that "Social Protection" is not part of Marxism. It is in nutshell, welfare of the citizens of a state, looked after by the state, whose funding is done by the state, but those funds are collected by the state from the citizens only, in forms of the various taxes and the gains from public concerns, and the capitalists, financiers. These collections are also used to run the state and the politicians, and other "managers" of the capitalist class.
2. How much welfare? How much subsidies in education, health services, transportation, housing, loans, etc.? How much unemployment allowance? Who all shall be eligible? Like in sudden lockdown, in India, the government opened some free food and money distribution, including direct transfer of funds to banks, for the poor people, the unemployed workers. But the recipients needed to show certain papers, or registration, and a big section of the needy could not provide the papers. By the way the question of CAA, NRC comes straight forward hounding Crores of Indians, where an estimate says 35-40 Crore Indians will be declared non-Indians and will have to prove their citizenships or the government will provide them and the process will take more than 5 years. For medical facilities, if one needs to be insured, one needs to pay the insurance money.
3. The degree of concession, social security, subsidies from the bourgeois class and its government is the resultant outcome of the struggle between the bourgeois class, trying to ensure maximum profit rate and the working class trying to maintain its livelihood and living standard and improve its conditions.
4. Social security is not part of the Marxist-Leninist ideology, nor the revolutionaries strive for it in a capitalist society. The fight is for the establishment of Socialism, where an individual is ensured of all the basic means of subsistence and much more than that for his/her personal growth, safety, freedom from the worries of employment and food and others necessities.
5. The working-class revolutionary party does join the working-class struggle in ensuring social security, which generally flattens to the basic needs, which again barely meets the requirement, as we see in India, where the working class has been reduced to paupers, living in the most despicable condition. This helps the working-class party to mobilize the working class, educate it politically, grow the class affinity and unity, prepare for the class struggle.
6. The party must understand the difference between the demands, slogans and the need of the revolutionary preparation. If it fails to do so, the revolutionary demands, slogans are likely to fall into reformism (and vice versa for the revolutionary party). Nationalization and welfare measures are not part of socialist construction, especially in a capitalist society. Socialization is entirely different method to mobilize the working class and the social wealth, free the productive forces from the chains of capital, a dead entity, annihilate the base of any exploitation of a man by another and is the base of socialism. This measure is essential, once the state power is in the hands of the proletarian class, its party.
7. The rise of revolutionary situation, for which we are preparing ourselves, is not in our hands, and which could start with some spark. We must not negate any demand, slogan, struggle with the working class, especially if they rise from their within, as they could be the tinder. Our task is to penetrate into them the revolutionary ideas, from survival to socialist revolution, from an individual worker to part of a class, from identity politics to the class politics, from a sympathizer to a cadre of a leader in the party.
The post Covid world would witness this conflict between capital and labor intensified. The setback received to the neo liberal project globally and the churning within the ranks of the working class would open vistas for new struggle. It is time for the Left to rethink its old tactics and ways of struggle. The hitherto practice of considering the working class as a homogeneous group has long lost its appeal and so has the politics of trade unions amongst the organized section, the great majority of the working class is where the traditional left has paid no serious attention. The new radicalized working class would have to be drawn from the latent, stagnating and floating population, those who have been surplused and have one-foot wallowing in pauperism. We have to bring Marx's methodology of critique of capitalism back into our polity and jettison the politics of Lassalleian and Berstenians that has permeated amongst us.
Old forms have become outdated and a new struggle would have to emerge.
Workers of the world unite! Inqilab Zindabad!!
१९५३ में स्टालिन की शव यात्रा पर उमड़ा सैलाब
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